Man who rules the country from his grave

By Afzal Hussain Bokhari

One of the most informed journalists on the subcontinent, Delhi-based Mark Tully descended on the garrison town of Rawalpindi some days before April 4, 1979. His sources confirmed that Pakistan was about to do a wrong that would probably never be righted by future reformists, technocrats and political white-washers. As the countrymen woke up on April 4, the World Service of BBC in its early morning bulletins took Mark Tully live from Islamabad: "The last words of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto before getting hanged were in his mother tongue Sindhi, which in English meant 'Help me O Lord, I'm innocent!'".

On the night between Saturday and Sunday, everyone who mattered in the PPP and the government had converged on ZAB's native Naudero village near Larkana in Sindh province to offer fateha at the graves in Garhi Khuda Bakhsh of ZAB, his daughter Benazir Bhutto, son Murtaza Bhutto and other members of the Bhutto clan. President Asif Ali Zardari addressed the crowd at 1am and vowed to protect and preserve the ZAB's legacy. He said that he was aware of the problems of the downtrodden that lived below the poverty line. He also said that the lesson he drew from ZAB's martyrdom was that death was not something to be afraid of.

After quitting the government of Field Marshal General Mohammad Ayub Khan, ZAB consulted various political leaders. In 1968, he ended up founding the Pakistan People's Party at the Lahore residence of Dr Mubashar Hassan. Apart from ZAB, the other founding members included JA Rahim, Khurshid Hassan Mir and Dr Ghulam Hussain. Like it happened earlier with Pakistan Muslim League, the feudal lords from all the four provinces smelled that PPP was about to come to power so they jumped on the bandwagon.

ZAB was perhaps the most wonderful thing that happened to Pakistan. The right-wing parties somehow believed that by preaching socialism, he flouted the orthodox concepts of equality. On the other hand, the left-wing parties privately said that the basic homework of spreading political awareness among the masses was done by them. ZAB suddenly appeared from nowhere and by giving the attractive slogans of 'roti, kapra aur makan' (food, clothing and shelter), he harvested the ripe crop by sweeping the polls and winning the votes of a visibly progressive electorate.

Whether or not the right-wing and left-wing parties were correct in their assessment, ZAB gave voice to the people. His contribution to nation-building was monumental. After the fall of Dhaka, there was demoralisation among the people and the armed forces. ZAB took along with him senior politicians from all the four provinces and flew with a truly representative jirga to India to take part in the Shimla talks. With his persuasive powers and the charisma of his personality, he not only negotiated the honourable return of 90,000 of Pakistan's prisoners of war but also motivated New Delhi to withdraw from 5, 000 square miles of Islamabad's territory. In 1974, he staged in Lahore the historical Islamic Summit in which the heads of state from all Muslim countries participated.

In the early years of his rule, ZAB tried to tune up the economy by nationalising the banks and some industries. The labouring classes were given packages in health, education and industrial sectors.

However, sooner rather than later, people started getting the impression that PPP was being made hostage to the feudal class and ZAB along with his party were gradually becoming helpless. Tributes to ZAB's towering talents have been paid in their books by eminent writers. These include Zulfi Bhutto of Pakistan: His Life and Times by US Professor Stanley Wolpert, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto: Quest for Power by prominent Indian journalist Dilip Mukerjee, Zulfi My Friend by ZAB's boyhood friend Piloo Mody and many others. Recently, the Lahore-based Bhutto's Legacy Foundation run by Bashir Riaz has published a book containing ZAB's writings titled Mera Pakistan. Apart from this, ZAB's If I am Assassinated has already sold several copies. Books on ZAB will continue to be written. He has embraced martyrdom but he still rules the country from his grave.

In his book on ZAB, Dilip Mukerjee said that ZAB embarked on the road to power in 1958 at the age of 30. Major-General Iskander Mirza, then president of Pakistan, picked up ZAB for a cabinet post in the country's first martial law government on the strength of his talents and family connections. Mirza was eased out within three weeks by General Ayub Khan but the latter saw no reason to drop the bright young man who had a useful background in international law and uncommon gift of the gab.

ZAB was rewarded with the foreign affairs portfolio in 1963 after the death of the incumbent Mohammad Ali Bogra. ZAB availed of the opportunity in an intelligent manner by building up a reputation for himself at home and abroad. A break with Ayub Khan was bound to come but this was hastened by the Indo-Pak war of 1965. The conflict ended with a stalemate on the battlefield with the result that instead of reopening the Kashmir dispute, it had the effect of shelving it.

According to Dilip Mukerjee, General Ayub Khan said in private conversations that it was unrealistic to expect a breakthrough on Kashmir at the negotiating table after having failed to make one on the battlefield.

However, ZAB chose to disagree and even gave the slogan that Pakistan can wage a 1000-year-long war on India. ZAB-watchers knew that this was part of the PPP chief's sentimental temperament.

One feels like winding up this piece with famous lines from the poetry of Faiz Ahmad Faiz: "Karo kaj jabeen pe sar-i-kafan, meray qatilon ko ghuman na ho; ke gharoor-i-ishq ka bankpan  pas-i-marg hum ne bhula diya!" Or the same thought in another form: "Jis dhaj se koi maqtal ko gaya, wo shan salamat rehti hai; is jaan ki tu koi baat nahin, ye jaan tu aani jani hai!"